Tuesday, December 17, 2013

Who is Dr Aafia Siddiqui?


Dr. Aafia Siddiqui was born on 2 March 1972 in Karachi, Pakistan. She is one of three siblings. Aafia’s father Mohammad Siddiqui was a UK-trained doctor and her mother, Ismet, is a homemaker. Aafia has three children: Ahmed (b. 1996), Maryam (b. 1998), and Suleman (b. 2002), the latter of whom remains missing to this day.

Aafia moved to Texas in 1990 to be near her brother, and after spending a year at the University of Houston, transferred to Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Siddiqui's fellow students say she was a quiet, studious woman who was devout in her religious beliefs but far from the media characterisation of 'Lady Qaeda'. A fellow student, Hamza, recalled in an interview with the BBC, "I remember Aafia as being sweet, mildly irritating but harmless".

During her time at MIT, Aafia joined the campus Muslim Student Association (MSA) and was actively involved in efforts to portray the teachings of Islam to non-Muslims in order to better their understanding of her faith and invite them to Islam. Her emphasis in her life on bettering the conditions of Muslims even pervaded her academic achievements. During her sophomore year at MIT, she won a grant of $5,000 to study the effects of Islam on women living in Pakistan. In addition to her many academic achievements, Aafia earned the honourable status of committing the entire Qur’an to memory.

Following her graduation, Aafia married a medical student Mohammed Amjad Khan. She subsequently entered Brandeis University as a graduate student in cognitive neuroscience. Citing the difficulty of living as Muslims in the United States after 9/11 and following FBI harassment of her husband, Aafia and her husband returned to Pakistan. They stayed in Pakistan for a short time, and then returned to the United States. They remained there until 2002, and then moved back to Pakistan. Some problems developed in their marriage, and Aafia was eight months pregnant with their third child when she and Khan were separated. She and the children stayed at her mother’s house, while Khan lived elsewhere in Karachi. After giving birth to her son, Aafia stayed at her mother’s house for the rest of the year, returning to the US without her children around December 2002 to look for a job in the Baltimore area, where her sister had begun working at Sinai Hospital. On 1 March 2003, Pakistani authorities arrested Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Aafia and her children disappeared just 27 days later.


According to Aafia’s mother, Aafia left their home in Gulshan-e-Iqbal in a Metro-cab on 28 March, 2003 to catch a flight to Rawalpindi, but never reached the airport. In February 2010 Aafia’s eldest son returned to the scene and described how, when he, his mother and siblings came out of their home, fifteen to twenty people, including a ‘white lady’ and members of the ISI, were waiting in three to four vehicles on the next street and subsequently kidnapped them. Aafia was placed into one black car and the crying children into another. She described to her lawyer that she was immediately hooded and drugged. When she awoke she was tied to a gurney in a place that could not have been Karachi because the air was very dry.

Following her trial, Aafia’s lawyer Elaine Sharpe, described how Aafia’s baby, Suleman, was believed to have been killed during the arrest. Dr Siddiqui was later shown a picture of her baby, lying in a pool of blood. It is not known if Suleman, who would now be 7 years old, is alive.

Pakistani papers mentioned reports the following day that a woman had been taken into custody of terrorism charges and confirmation came from a Pakistan Interior Ministry spokesman. The media reported that Aafia Siddiqui had been 'picked up in Karachi by an intelligence agency' and 'shifted to an unknown place for questioning'. A year later, the press quoted a Pakistani government spokesman who said that she had been handed over to US authorities in 2003.

Aafia Siddiqui had been missing for more than a year when the FBI put her photographs on its website.

Aafia’s mother described in a BBC interview in 2003, how a 'man wearing a motor-bike helmet' which he did not remove, arrived at the family residence and warned her that if she ever wanted to see her daughter and grandchildren again, she should keep quiet. Both the Pakistan government as well as US officials in Washington denied any knowledge of Aafia’s custody. Aafia's sister, Fowzia also says that she was told by the then Interior Minister Syed Faisal Saleh Hayat in 2004 that Aafia had been released and would return home soon

At almost precisely the same time that Aafia went missing, two other alleged Al Qaeda suspects disappeared from Karachi - Majid Khan and 'Ali 'Abd al-'Aziz 'Ali. They would be amongst hundreds arrested by the Pakistani intelligence services and handed over to the FBI and CIA as part of the War on Terror. Like Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Khan and Ali would not reappear again until September 2006, following their transfer from CIA custody, where they were reportedly tortured including the use of waterboarding, to Guantanamo.


Aafia claims that she was kidnapped by the Pakistani intelligence services with her children and transferred into US custody. She further alleges that she was detained in a series of secret prisons for five years during which time she was repeatedly abused, tortured and raped. Aafia’s claim is substantiated by former Bagram detainees who affirmed the presence of a female detainee of Pakistani origin at Bagram, with the prisoner ID “650”. The International Committee for the Red Cross also confirmed that a woman had been detained at Bagram. Immediately after his release from Guantanamo in 2009, ex-Bagram detainee, Binyam Mohamed declared that the woman he saw in Bagram, with the prison no. 650, was indeed Aafia Siddiqui.

The US has previously denied the presence of female detainees in Bagram and that Aafia was ever held there, bar for medical treatment (after they shot her) in July 2008.

Little is known about what happened to Aafia and her children in the five years in which they were missing. However, in October 2009, when Aafia was visited by a Pakistani parliamentary delegation she spoke a little about the five years in which she had been disappeared, saying “I have been through living hell”. She described being given an injection and when she came to, she was in a cell. She said she was being brainwashed by men who spoke perfect English, who may have been Afghans. She did not think they were Pakistanis. She described being forced to make false confessions and sign statements. She alleged that she had been tortured although she provided no details. She was also told by her captors that if she did not co-operate, her children would suffer. During her trial, Aafia alluded to being tortured in secret prisons, to being raped, her children being tortured, and being threatened to be “sent back to the bad guys” – men she described as sounding like Americans but could not be “real Americans” but “pretend Americans” due to the treatment they had subjected her to. After her trial it emerged that the government of Pakistan had put a gag order on Aafia’s family in exchange for releasing her eldest son Ahmed.

Aafia's lawyers, Elaine Sharpe and Elizabeth Fink, would later corroborate this by stating publicly that she had "been through years of detention, whose interrogators were American, who endured treatment fairly characterised as horrendous" and that she had been "tortured".


On 7 July 2008, a press conference led by British journalist Yvonne Ridley, in Pakistan resulted in mass international coverage of Aafia’s case as her disappearance was questioned by the media and political figures in Pakistan. Within weeks, the US administration reported that she was arrested by Afghani forces along with her 13 year old son, outside the governor of Ghazni’s compound, allegedly with manuals on explosives and ‘dangerous substances in sealed jars’ on her person. Her lawyers claim that the evidence was planted on her. Aafia would later testify during her trial that the bag in which the evidence was found was not her own and was given to her, being unaware of its contents. She also claimed that the handwritten notes were forcibly copied from a magazine under threat of torture of her children. She recalledthe presence of a boy at the Ghazni police station whom she believed could have been her son, but could not know with certainty since they had been separate for several years.

On 3 August 2008 an agent from the FBI visited the home of her brother in Houston, Texas and confirmed that she was being detained in Afghanistan. On Monday 4 August 2008, federal prosecutors in the US confirmed that Aafia Siddiqui had been extradited to the US from Afghanistan where they alleged she had been detained since mid-July 2008. They further allege that whilst in custody she fired at US officers (none being injured) and was herself shot twice in the process. Aafia confirmed during her trial that she was hiding behind a curtain in the prison, as the US claim, with the intent of escaping as she feared being returned to a secret prison, but categorically denied picking up the gun or attempting to shoot anyone. Aafia was charged in the US with assaulting and attempted murder of US personnel in Afghanistan.


In late August 2008, Michael G Garcia, the US attorney general of the southern region confirmed in a letter to Dr Fowzia Siddiqui that Aafia’s son, Ahmed had been in the custody of the FBI since 2003 and was he was currently in the custody of the Karzai government. Earlier the US ambassador to Pakistan, Anne W Patterson had earlier claimed that Washington has no information regarding the children.

According to an Afghan Interior Ministry official quoted in the Washington Post, Ahmed Siddiqui was briefly held by the Interior Ministry after his arrest in July 2008 and was thereafter transferred to an Afghan intelligence agency, the National Directorate of Security (NDS), notorious for its brutal treatment of detainees, despite the fact he was too young to be treated as a criminal suspect under both Afghan and international law.  Under Afghanistan's Juvenile Code, the minimum age of criminal responsibility is 13 and according to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child a minimum age of criminal responsibility below the age of 12 is "not internationally acceptable."

Ahmed was finally released to the custody of Aafia’s family in Pakistan in September 2009.

He later gave a statement to police in Lahore, Pakistan, that he had been held in a juvenile prison in Afghanistan for years. On being reunited with his father for the first time, he ran away screaming in horror, claiming that his father was amongst those who used to beat him in Afghanistan.


The trial of Aafia Siddiqui began Tuesday 19 January 2010, in a Manhattan federal courtroom. Prior to the jury entering the courtroom, Aafia turned to onlookers saying; "This isn't a fair court, (...) Why do I have to be here? (...) There are many different versions of how this happened," referring to the alleged shooting.

Three government witnesses testified on the opening day of the trial; Army Capt. Robert Snyder, John Threadcraft, a former army officer and John Jefferson, an FBI agent. Both were stationed in Afghanistan at the time of the alleged assault and murder attempt.

During the trial, while Snyder testified that Aafia had been arrested with a handwritten note outlining plans to attack the Empire State Building, the Brooklyn Bridge and Wall Street, Aafia disrupted the proceedings with a loud outburst aimed at Snyder, after, which she proclaimed her innocence stating; "Since I'll never get a chance to speak, if you were in a secret prison.. where children were tortured... This is no list of targets against New York. I was never planning to bomb it. You're lying."

In the morning before the closing remarks, the last government witness, FBI Special Agent, Angela Sercer testified. Sercer monitored Aafia for 12 hours a day over a two week period while she was at a hospital in Bagram. She tried to rebut Aafia Siddiqui’s testimony, by saying that Aafia told her she was in “hiding” for the last five years and further that she “married” someone to change her name.

However under cross examination, Sercer admitted that while at the hospital Aafia expressed fear of “being tortured”. Sercer also admitted that Aafia expressed concern about the “welfare of the boy” and asked about him “every day”. Moreover, that Aafia only agreed to talk to her upon promises that the boy would be safe. According to the testimony Aafia said that the Afghans had “beaten her”; that her “husband had beaten her and her children”; and that she was “afraid of coming into physical harm”.

When Sercer was further questioned about what Aafia said about her children during that two week period, she admitted that Aafia expressed concern about the “safety and welfare of her children”, but felt that the “kids had been killed or tortured in a secret prison”. “She said that they were dead, didn’t she” asked Defence attorney, Elaine Sharpe; reluctantly Sercer answered, “Yes.”

The trial took an unusual turn with an FBI official asserting that the finger prints taken from the rifle, which was purportedly used by Aafia to shoot at the U.S. interrogators, did not match hers. Another event complicated the case further, when the testimony of witness Masood Haider Gul appeared different from the one given by U.S. Captain Schnieder earlier. The defence denied all charges, stating that "the soldiers had given different versions of where she was when the M-4 was allegedly fired and how many shots were fired."

The trial lasted for 2 weeks and the jury deliberated for 2 days before reaching a verdict. On February 3, 2010, she was convicted and found guilty on all counts. , despite the following discrepancies:

· The court proceedings were flawed, and limited to the incident in Ghazni, which itself lacked concrete evidence.

· It is still unexplained how a frail, 110 pound woman, confronted with three US army officers, two interpreters and two FBI agents managed to assault three of them, snatch a rifle from one of them, open fire at close range, hit no one, but she herself was wounded.

· There were no fingerprints on the gun.

· There was no gunshot residue from the gun.

· There were no bullet holes in the walls from that particular gun.

· There were no bullets cases or shells in the area from the specified gun.

· The testimony of the government’s six eyewitnesses contradicted each other.

· The statements Aafia made to FBI agent Angela Sercer were made whilst she was under 24 hour surveillance by FBI agents in the hospital at Bagram, with her arms and legs tied to a bed for weeks, several types of meidcation, sleep-deprived and at the mercy of the agent for food, water and in order to relieve herself. Sercer did not identify herself to Aafia as a FBI agent. The use of these statements in court were objected to by the defence on the basis of ‘Miranda laws’ which mandate that a detainee must be informed of their rights, have access to an attorney, or in the case of international law, consular staff and law enforcement officials must identify themselves. Despite this the judge denied the motion and allowed this to form part of the questioning.

· Aafia’s disappearance, torture and missing children were not at all addressed during the court case.


Following her conviction, Aafia remained at the Metropolitan Detention Centre in New York where she has spent the best part of her detention in the US. Throughout that time, she has been subject to humilitating and degrading strip and cavity searches, prompting her to refuse legal visits on many occasions. Since the beginning of March Aafia has been refused all contact with her family and has not been permitted any letters, phonecalls, visits or reading material under the pretext of “the security of the nation.”

In April 2010, a 12 year old girl was left outside the resident of Fowzia Siddiqui in Karachi by unidentified men claiming she was the missing daughter of Aafia Siddiqui. Although initially it was thought that she was not Aafia's daughter, following DNA tests conducted by the Pakistani government, the Interior Minister Rehman Malik confirmed that the tests proved that the child was indeed Aafia's daughter, Maryam, and that her DNA matched that of Ahmed Siddiqui (Aafia's eldest son) and their father, Amjad Khan. Dr Fowzia intended to carry out their own independent investigation to confirm the girl's identity. In a press conference Senate Committee for Interior Chairman, Senator Talha Mehmood reported that Maryam Siddiqui was recovered from Bagram airbase in the custody of an American - in the Urdu-language press, an American soldier - called "John". He also said that she had been kept for seven years in a 'cold, dark room' in Bagram airbase.

After several postponements, Aafia was finally sentenced to 86 years in prison, on 5 counts, on September 23rd 2010, making her eligible for release in 2094. She would be 122 years old at the time of her release, if she remains alive at that time.

The whereabouts and welfare of Aafia’s youngest son, Suleman remains a mystery.

Happy Birthday General Muhammadu Buhari

General Buhari
Former Head of States, General Muhammadu Buhari, clocked 71st years today (17/12/1942 - 2013)

On behalf of my parents, my siblings and my humble self, I wish to congratulate the nightmare of tyrants, the scourge of oppressors, the gallant soldier, the novice septuagenarian, the people's general, General Muhammadu Buhari (rtd) on his 71st birthday anniversary.

Sir you are indeed an astute, an elder statesman, a veteran of political adventures, a voice to the voiceless, an advocate of the masses and we urge you to keep the flame burning sir. I pray to almighty Allah to extend our lives to witness your hale, hearty and prosperous octage, nonage and centage days.

What's your message to General Buhari at his 71st birthday?

Monday, December 16, 2013

RARIYA – Wasikar Obasanjo Ga Jonathan: Goodluck Na Neman Tarwatsa Nijeriya

An dade ana rade-radin cewa sabani ya shiga tsakanin Shugaban Kasa Goodluck Jonathan da Ubangidansa Cif Olusegun Obasanjo. Hakan bai fito fili kowa ya sani ba har sai ranar Larabar da ta gabata, bayan kafar yada labaran nan ta intanet Premium Times (Kawar RARIYA) ta fallasa wata wasika mai yawan shafuka goma sha takwas da Obasanjo ya aika wa Jonathan a fusace. Saboda muhimmancin wasikar RARIYA ta fassara wa masu karatu, ga cikakkiyar wasika kamar haka:

Mai Girma Shugaban Kasa,
Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan,
Shugaba, Babban Kwamandan Askarawa,
Fadar Shugaban Kasa,
Aso Villa,
2 Ga Disamba, 2013

Na yanke shawarar rubuta maka wannan budaddiyar wasikar ce bisa wasu dalilai don ban da wani zabi a kan haka. Na farko, yanayin da ake ciki da kuma abin da zai iya haifarwa ya sa na ga ya kamata, tun kafin duk wata kafa ta toshe game da batun kasa, in fargar da kai game da fitinar da ke iya tasowa.

Na biyu, ban samu amsa daga dukkan wasiku hudu ko fiye da haka wadanda na rubuta maka a tsakanin shekaru biyu da suka wuce ba. Na uku, baya ga kai, dukkan mashawartanka sun sha neman amsar cewa, shin me Obasonjo ke nema ne?

Na hudu, na hango kamanci tsakanin yanayin da muka dosa da kuma irin halin da muka samu kanmu a matsayin kasa a zamanin mulkin Abacha. Na biyar, dole a yi abin da ya dace na ba da kariya ga tsarin dimokradiyya, dorewarsa da kuma hana zubar da jini.

Na shida, dole mu guje abin da zai kawo rabuwar kasar nan zahiri ko a fakaice na tsakanin Kudu da Arewa da kuma Musulmi da Kirista. Na bakwai, bai kamata a bar tattalin arzikin kasar nan ya shiga cikin mummunan yanayi ba.

Na takwas, kawayenmu na kasashen waje da kungiyoyin kasa da kasa suna nuna damuwa game da alamomi da suke fitowa daga kasar nan. Na tara, ya kamata Nijeriya ta yi amfani da damar da ke gareta a yanzu wajen zuba jari a nahiyar kasancewar wannan damar ba mai dorewa ba ce. Na goma, ina matukar damuwa da manufarka da rashin cika alkawari wanda kai kadai ne kawai ka san inda ka fuskanta.

Mai girma shugaban kasa, a lokuta da dama ka amince da hukuncin Ubangiji kan rawar da na taka wajen zamanka shugaban kasa. Ka saka ni a aji na uku bayan Ubangiji da iyayenka a cikin wadanda suka fi tasiri a rayuwarka.

Na yi imanin cewa Ubangiji ne ya kaddara matsayin da ka samu kanka a yau sannan kuma Ubangiji ne ya kaddara rawar da duk wadanda suka taka rawa wajen kai wa ga wannan matsayi. A ra’ayina, na yi imanin cewa a siyasance, kai ne ka cancanta da wannan mukami na shugabancin kasa kasancewa ka fito daga kananan kabilu na kudanci.

Idan har Obasonjo zai kai ga wannan matsayi. Marigayi Yar’adua da Jonathan za su iya kai wa ga wannan matsayi kamar kowane dan Nijeriya. A yau ya wuce batun shugaban kasa ya fito daga wani shiyya ko wata kabila, amma abin da ya fi dacewa ga kasa da al’ummar Nijeriya ne kan gaba.

A hakika, babu wata kungiya ta kabila, harshe, addini ko wani bangare - da ke da iko samar da shugaban kasa. Haka ma, babu wata kungiya da kashin kanta da za ta iya nada wani daga cikin ‘ya’yanta a matsayin shugaban wata hukuma. Hakan shi ya fi zama alheri ga Nijeriya.

Na sha nanata maka cewa Ubangiji ya ji kaina tare da yi mani abin da ban taba mafarkinsa ba. Ban neman komai daga gareka sai dai kawai ka tafiyar da mulkin Nijeriya bisa tafarki madaidaici tare da mayar da ita a matsayin fitacciyar kasa wanda a haka ne nake ta rokonka kuma zan ci gaba da yin haka. Har yanzu kuma ba ka yi abin da al’ummarNijeriya ke sa rai daga gareka ba.

A bisa matsayin da aka taba rikewa, dole ka dauki nauyin abin da ke faruwa da kuma na gazawa a Nijeriya sannan a duk yadda za ta kasance wasu za su dora alhakin a wuyarka kuma Ubangiji zai tambayeka.

Na samu wata dama na gudanar da hulda da kai a ‘yan kwanakin nan, na yanke hukunci cikin ko bakin ciki ko na farin ciki kan cewa idan da za ka iya nesantar da bukatarka ta siyasa da ta kashin kai, ka mayar da hankali kan batun kasa sannan ka ja layi tsakanin mashawartan banza da kuma wadanda za su ki gaya maka gaskiya don suna tunanin ba za ka so jin haka ba. Hakan shi zai fi dacewa.

A kan matsayi biyar da Ubangijinka ya dora maka wani babban nauyi na jagorancin jam’iyya mai mulkin kasa, shugabancin gwamnatin tarayya, shugaban hafsoshin Nijeriya, babban mai tsaron kasa da kuma shugabancin siyasar kasar nan.

Wadannan mukamai su ne suka tabbatar da kai a matsayin shugaban kasa sannan yayin da nauyin zai iya yi maka yawa, za ka iya wakilta iko ga wani da ka amince da shi, amma dukkan nauyin yana a kanka ko ka so ko ka ki.

Zan fara da shugabancin jam’iyya mai mulkin kasa. Mafi yawanmu muna mamaki kan rikicin da ke faruwa a cikin jam’iyyar. Yawancin ‘ya’yan jam’iyyar suna dora laifin kan shugaban jam’iyyar na kasa. Na fahinci cewa, akwai wasu ‘yan fadar shugaban kasa da ke kokarin nuna wa duniya duk laifinmu ne.

Amma batun ya fito fili a lokacin da shugaban jam’iyyar ya yi ikirarin cewa, duk abin da ya aikata sai ya samu amincewa daga shugaban kasa idan kuma ya saba ra’ayin shugaban, sai ya aiwatar da sauye-sauye, ta haka mun fahinci cewa mafi yawan matakan da shugaban jam’iyyar ke bi na kashin kansa ne amma kuma yana da cikakken goyon bayan shugaban kasa.

Rashin adalci ne a ci gaba da ganin laifin shugaban jam’iyyar game da rikice-rikicen da jam’iyyar ta samu kanta a ciki. Shi dai shugaban jam’iyyar yana taka rawar ubangidansa ne. Shi kuma uban gidan yana son kai wa ga wata manufa ce mai kunshe da makirci.

A cikin watanni biyu da suka shige, Mai girma shugaban kasa ka tabbatar mani ka bayyana ra’ayin sake tsayawa takara a zaben 2015, nan take na fito fili na nuna maka cewa, alamomi da matakan da ka ke bi duk sun nuna akasin haka. Ka tabbatar wa wani na irin wannan bayanin wanda shi ma yana da irin nawa ra’ayin. Dolo ne kawai zai yarda da kalamanka idan har aka yi la’akari da abubuwan da suke faruwa a yanzu. Wannan ba wata gwaninta ba ce.

Za ka iya bin tafarkin mutunci. Duk da yake ba ka bayyana mani matsayinka ta kowace fuska ba, ya kamata ka yi nazarin abin da ya faru a shekarar 2011. Na je jihar Binue don halartar bikin diyar daya daga cikin ma’aikatana, Bitalis Ortese. Gwamna Suswan ya karbi bakunci na. Ya shaida mani cewa ka amince ka yi wa’adi guda da nufin samun goyon bayan shiyyar Arewa.

Na yanke shawarar tuntubarka, kuma ba ka jinkirta wajen tabbatar mani da cewa, kana kan gaba a jerin masu ra’ayin wa’adi guda na shekara shida ba kan cewa da zarar ka kammala sauran wa’adin Marigayi Yar’adua da kuma wa’adin shekaru hudu wanda zai kama shekara shida kenan, ba ka bukatar sake karin wa’adi.

Daga baya na samu labari daga wata majiya ta kusa da kai kan cewa, ka gabatar da irin wannan alkawarin a wani wurin, a kan haka ne na saka wadannan kalaman a jawabin da na gabatar a lokacin kammala yakin neman kuri’unka a shekarar 2011 kamar haka:

“ Yakamata a yaba wa PDP a matsayin jam’iyyar da ita kadai ta rungumi tsarin raba daidai da na karba-karba a tsarin kundin mulkinta. Jam’iyyar ta kawo daidaito a siyasance da kuma mulkin kasa. Ban san wanda zai zama shugaban kasa bayan wa’adin Dr. Goodluck Jonathan sun cika ba. Ubangiji zai kaddara haka. Amma a bisa tsarin PDP, zan iya hasashe kan ko daga wata shiyya wanda zai gaji Shugaba Jonathan zai fito. Kuma babu yadda za a canja wani tsarin dimokradiyya na cikin gida.’’

A takaice, rashin kishi da makirci ne suka haifar da kiyayyar kabilanci da na addini da suka bayyana a kwanakin nan wanda kuma zai wargaza kasar nan. Hakan ya saba tunanin wadanda suka sadaukar da rayukansu wajen hadin kan kasar nan kuma ina cikin wannan rukunin mutanen sannan kuma zan sake bin wannan mataki idan har zai zama alheri ga kasar nan. Zan yi amfani da wannan dama wajen yin kira ga wadanda suka kama wannan tafarki da su sake nazari. A matsayina na dan Nijeriya kuma dan kabilar Yarbawa, ina alfahari da wadannan tambarin biyu.

A wannan yanayi, ina son in jaddada abin da na ke yawan nanata wa. Zaben Goodluck Jonathan bisa kwarewa a matsayin shugaban kasa zai kara karfafa hadin kan Nijeriya da tsarin dimokradiyya kuma zai kai mu ga ci. Akwai rahotannin da suke nuna cewa, Dr, Jonathan ya yanke shawarar bin matakin yin wa’adi guda na mulki. Idan haka ne, ko mun sani ko mun jahilci haka, wannan sadaukarwa ce. A maimakon mu zarge shi, ya kamata mu yaba masa kasancewa ya dauki tafarki madaidaici.

Idan ka yi nasarar lashe zabe, abin da za ka fara tunani a kai shi ne maganar zango daya na shekaru shida. Hakan ya janyo hankalina, na cewar kana nufin abin da ka fada min kafin na yi a jawabi a wurin yakin neman zabenka. Ya shugaba, duk ma abin da ka tsara ko ka shirya, ba zan iya maida martani ba akan maganar zangon mulki karo na biyu, ko kamar yadda wasu mutane suke cewa zango na uku. A matsayinka na shugaba, dole ka fi maida hankali kan abubuwa guda biyu, da suka hada da gaskiya da karamci, wadanda dukkan su abubuwa ne masu matukar muhimmanci a dabi’ance. Ina son ganin duk wani mutum a ofishin shugaban kasa, namiji ko mace wanda za a aminta da shi, wanda yake karrama maganarsa da dabi’arsa, zan girmama ka idan ka dauki wadannan dabi’u don martaba wannan ofishi. Chinua Achebe ya ce “daya daga cikin hanyoyin da ake tantance mai gaskiya shi ne rashin karya alkawari.” Wannan darasi ne ga dukkan shugabanni ciki har da kai da ni, duk da haka, shugaba, bari na yi fata, kamar yadda ka fada ba ka taba fada wa wani cewar za ka yi takara ba, abin da muke gani kuma muke ji, aiki ne na makusantanka, idan ka yi haka za ka zama shugaban da za a iya yarda da shi ba tare da daukarka makaryaci ba.

Watakila, kana bukatar ka san cewa, da dama daga cikin ‘yan jam’iyya sun damu, saboda taimaka wa wasu ‘yan takara na wasu jam’iyyu a zaben gwamna a jihohi, don yin alkawarin goya ma baya a zaben da ya wuce ko a na gaba wanda har yanzu ba ka bayyana matsayarka ba. Ta faru a Lagos a 2011, lokacin da Bola Tinubu ya zo Abuja, ku ka yi yarjejeniyar za su goya ma baya, ka yi banza da dan takarar PDP. A matsayin shugaban amintattu, na yi magana da kai a lokacin. Ya faru a jihar Ondo, inda ake da kwararan shedu.

A zahiri na taso ma da irin wadannan batutuwa a sauran jihohin na Kudu maso Yamma, inda wasu ‘ya’yan PDP suka shiga goyon bayan jam’iyyar LP, saboda dalilin zaben kasa, jam’iyyar ba ta da wani dan takarar shugaban kasa sai kai. Haka ya faru a jihar Edo, wadanda suka san abinda ya faru ba su yi shiru ba kan hakan, kuma ka san hakan. A fili yake a Anambra an samu koma baya, idan a matsayinka na jagoran jam’iyyar ba za ka iya goya wa dan takararta baya ba, ba ka da wani amfani a jam’iyyar.

Duk da haka, ina fatan nasara ga jam’iyyar, kuma kamar yadda na fada a baya ina fatan nasara ga Goodluck, idan irin haka ta ci gaba da wanzuwa a cikin jam’iyyar, za ta iya rushewar da ba za ta taba gyaruwa ba. A irin wannan yanayi Nijeriya a matsayin kasa abin zai iya shafe ta ba iya PDP kadai ba. Ba na fatan sake ganin zubar jini a lokacin zabe a kasar nan. Ya shugaba, ka tuna abin da ya faru a lokutan zaben 2011 da irin alkawuran da ka yi a lokacin yakin neman zabe. Ka ce “Zaben ka ba shi da wata martaba idan aka hada da digo jinin dan Nijeriya”. Daga gare ka duk abin da ya kamata, ya kamata ya zama, ya kamata ka bar zaman lafiya, kwanciyar hankali da walwala, kyakkyawar gwamnati, da ci gaban ‘yan Nijeriya, hakan nauyi ne da ya rataya a wuyanka, za ka iya, kuma ina rokon ka yi hakan.

Duk irin rikicin da zai faru a PDP, sannan duk wani abu da za ka ji ko makusantanka za su ji, kai a matsayin jagoran jam’iyyar, kana da nauyin da ya rataya a wuyanka don samar da mafita da daidaita ta. Idan PDP a matsayin jam’iyya mai mulki ta rushe, haka zai zama karo na farko tun bayan samun ‘yancin kan Nijeriya da jam’iyyar siyasa ta rushe ba ta dalilin juyin mulki ba. Na zauna da gwamnonin PDP har sau biyu, don daidaitawa, na kuma bayyana ma yadda muka yi da su, kuma makusantanka sun san duk yadda aka yi. Amma a karshe na fada ma cewa na gano abubuwa guda biyar daga wurin gwamnonin da suke bukatar kulawa ta gaggawa, a matsayinka na wanda kai kadai ke da damar daukar wani mataki, na yi fatan ka kokarta don daukar mataki kan wannan abubuwa. Rikicin da ya haifar da bangarenci a jam’iyyar ya san a gayyaci wasu zababbun iyayen jam’iyyar, wadanda suka wakilci rahoton da muka gabatar maka.

An bayyana min cewa ka yarda za ka yi aiki da rahoton da muka gabatar maka. Na yi ma fatan alheri a duk wani kokarinka na kawo karshen rikicin. Sai dai lokaci ba abokinka ba ne. Shugabanci ba yana nufin karfin mulki ba kadai ba, dama ce da daukar nauyin jagorancin al’umma, da daidaita mai kyau da marar kyau.

Shugabannin kasashen Afrika da dama sun yi magana da ni akan na taimaka ma don daidaita jam’iyyar kamar yadda ka roke su, saboda haka muka zo wurinka da Sanata Amadu Ali don sake tattaunawa da kai a kan batun, sai dai ka musanta cewa ba ka roki kowane shugaba ba don yin magana da ni. Ban yi mamaki ba, saboda na saba samun kaina a irin wannan hali. Kuma ban yi kasa a guiwa ba, na ci gaba kokari don kare martabar ‘yan Nijeriya da jam’iyyar.

Makabala da tattaunawa sun zama kashin bayan dukkan wani ci gaba na rayuwar al’umma.

Idan aka yi hakan, hadin kai zai samu kuma kowa zai yi nasara. Rikicin da ake ta fama da shi a jam’iyyar PDP, zai iya zama silar hadin kai da kuma fahimtar juna har ta kai ga nasara. Ina fatan za ku yi kokarin shawo kan matsalar rikicin tun kafin lokaci ya kure.
Zan iya cewa a matsayin ka na wanda hakkin kula da lafiyar al’ummar Nijeriya ke hannunka, ya kamata ka dauki kakkkararnmataki kan yadda za a shawo kan wannan matsalar da ma sauran wasu matsaloli makamantan haka. Idan ana batun matsalolin da suka addabi yankin Neja Delta kamar su, garkuwa da mutane, fashi da makami, farisi da makantan su da kuma rikicin kungiyar Boko Haram, tsananta tsaro ba shi ne mafita ba. Gano tushen kugiyar Boko Haram da dalilan da ya sa aka kafa kungiyar a ciki da wajen kasar nan shine mafita, ba wai baza jami’an tsaro ba ne zai kawo karshen matsalar Boko Haram ba. Akwai matsaloli da dama da suke da mafita daban daban. Safarar kwayoyi, satar mutane, safarar bindigogi, sama da fadi da kudade, addinanci, kabilanci, talauci, rashin aikin yi, tabarbarewar ilmi da sauran su suna daga cikin dalilan kafa kungiyar Boko Haram. Wani sashe guda ba zai iya kawar da wannan kungiya ba da wadannan matsalolin suka haddasa kafa ta. Za mu yake su ne ba tare da mun san dalilin hadda wannan kungiya ba? Ana zubar da jinin al’ummar Nijeriya, kuma muna bukatar a kawo karshen hakan. Ina fatan za ka tashi tsaye don ganin ka magance wadannan matsalolin.

Ya mai girma shugaban kasa, babban dalilin kasancewarka a matsayin da ka ke shine don kana dan Nijeriya. Idan akasarin al’ummar Nijeriya da suka zabe ka ba su jefa maka kuri’a ba, da baka kasance a matsayin da kake ba. Ka kasance dan kabilar Ijaw da ya fito daga wani yanki na kasar nan, amma gadarar da ka ke da hakan kuskure ne wanda bai kamata ya faru ba. Saboda a matsayinka na shugaban kasa nuna bambancin kabila ba naka ba ne. Kuma ingiza kana yin hakan ba masoyanka ba ne, suna neman bata ka ne tare da sanya kabilarka bakin jini a wajen sauran kabilun kasar nan. Kana sane da cewa na kwabe kwanakin baya kan matsala makamancin haka, amma wasu ba su ji dadin hakan ba. Ba kowa za ka dauka a matsayin abokin shawara ba. Kuma bai kamata ka ware wani yanki ka ce sune suka zabe ka ba, ka ware wasu gefe. Ka sani shi al’amarin siyasa wani abu ne da ke tafe da yawan jama’a. Ko da ba ka bukatar kuri’a jama’a, jam’iyyarka tana bukata.

Sanya wasu jigajigan mutane a gaba da sunan siyasa ko kuma umartar wasu na jikinka a asirce domin muzgunwa wasu kamar yadda Abacha ya yi, idan har gaske ne ba zai yi wa al’ummar Nijeriya dadi ba. Mai girma shugaban kasa ya manta cewa an zabe shi ne domin ya tabbatar da tsaro ga dukkan al’ummar Nijeriya. Kuma babu wani da yake da ikon kashe wani domin biya wa wani bukata. Masu tunzuraka ka muzanta wa masu adawa da kai, ba masoyanka ba ne, makiyanka ne. Saboda siyasa ta kunshi masoya da kuma ’yan adawa. Idan abin ya munana, wadannan masu zuga ka din, guduwa za su yi su bar ka. Abin da ya faru a Misra, babban darasi ne gare ka.

A matsayinka na shugaban kasa komai a hannunka ya kamata ya kasance, ba sai wani ya kawo maka ra’ayinsa ba. Da yawa daga cikin kasashe da mutanen da suke mu’amala da Nijeriya suna kokawa da halin da muke ciki, amma an ki a yi gyara. Suna kokawa da rashin tsaro, satar man fetur da makamantan su. Suna kuma nuna damuwar su a kan cin hanci da rashawa da muka kasa shawo kan matsalar. Wannan matsala ta cin hanci da rashawa, ta kai inda ba mu tsammani a yanzu. Kuma za mu iiya cewa cin hanci da rashawa da keta doka, yana daga cikin dalilan fadawa halin da kasar take a yanzu. Kuma idan har baka yi kokarin magance wannan matsala ba, duk wani abin alkairin da z aka yi babu wanda zai gani. Zai zama abin dariya. Suna kuma nuna damuwar su kan yadda muke tafiyar da al’amuran ciki da wajen kasar nan. Ni ma zan iya goyon bayan su ta wani bangaren saboda akwai wurare da dama da ya kamata a yi gyara. Wasu abokan huldarmu da ke Olokola NLG ma neman janye wa suke saboda mawuyacin halin da muka shiga, haka su ma na Brass. Dukkan su ina goyon bayan su. Kamfanonin sun sha alwashin mayar da Nijeriya tamkar kasar Katar wajen samar da mai. Roko na shine kada a bari wadannan kamfanoni su tafi, sannan kuma a dawo da OK NLG domin kara bunkasa tattalin arzikin Nijeriya. Akasarin kamfanonin da ke aikin mai a Nijeriya duk sun tafi, idan kuma ba su tafi ba sun daina aiki. Nijeriya wadda ita ce Saudiyyar Afrika wajen arzikin mai, yanzu Angola ta sha gabanta ba don komai ba, sai don rashin mayar da hankali a kan lamarin.

Mai girma shugabn kasa, bari na sake tunatar da kai a bangaren mai da gas don kada a bar Nijeriya a baya. Yanzu haka an gano mai da gas a wurare da dama a fadin Afrika. Ina fatan za mu lallaba kamfanonin OK da Brass NLG don kada su tafi. Abubuwa uku na faruwa a fannin mai da gas; a magance matsalar satar mai, a tallafawa kamfanonin da suke aikin mai da kuma karancin masu kula da ma’aikatun. A bangaren tattalin arziki baki daya kuma, ya zama dole mu yi fiye da yadda muke yi a yanzu. Muna ganin abubuwan da suke faruwa, domin ba boyayyu ba ne. Babbar matsalar kuma ita ce, rashin aikin yi ga matasa musamman a wannan lokaci da cin hanci da rashawa ya yi yawa.

Bari na sake maimaita cewa kasancewar cin hanci da rashawa, rashin tsaro da satar man fetur na faruwa, babu yadda za a yi a shawo kan matsalar kasar nan. Ya zama dole mu sani cewa cin hanci da rashwa, keta doka, talauci, tarzoma da makamantansu su suka jefa kasar nan cikin mawuyacin halin da muka tsinci kanmu. Amma babu komai, Allah yana gani kuma zai kawo karshen wannan matsala da yardarsa.

Babban abin daukar hankalin shine, zargiin da aka yi wa NNPC kin bayar da kusan dala tirilyan takwas ga babban bankin kasa na kudin ganga dubu dari uku na mai da ake saidawa a duk rana, wanda kudin sa ya kai kusa dala milyan dari tara a wata. Wannan zargin ya fito ne daga babban bankin kasa. Ya kamata a yi bincike a kan lamarin, ba wai a yi watsi da zargin ba. ina fatan za ka yi hakan domin a gano gaskiyar lamarin.

Duk masu hannu a irin wadannan al’amuran, a kwana a tashi za a yi walkiya duk mu gan su Ina mai fatar zaka dauki mataki ko da guda daya ne domin ka samu yin maganin al’amurancin hanci, da suka dabaibaye gwamnatin ka.

Kawayen mu na kasashen waje sun dade da sanin mu a yadda muke , watakila ma sun fi sanin kan mu. Akwai wani babban abokina wanda shi mai fada wa mutum gaskiya ne, komai dacin ta, wani boye ma gaskiya, da wata rufa rufa, akan abinda dole ne sai ya fito fili, da cewa ya yi a tsare gaskiya , saboda babu abinda ya fi mutuncin mutum. Gaskiya da rashin rub-da- ciki, suna daga cikin abubuwan da ke samar wa mutum mutunci.

Wannan abin ne ya sa na tuna da wani abu lokacin da wani babban jami’i na bankin bunkasa afirka, ya sanar da ni cewar wani aikin samar da ruwan sha a Fatakwal wanda gwamnatin tarayya ta bada shawarar shi, amma kuma bankin ne zai dauki nauyin shi. Ba za’a yi shi ba saboda takun sakar da ake yi tsakanin shugaban kasa Goodluck Jonathan , da gwamna Rotimi Amechi, kuma ko yana so ko ba ya so,dole ne karshen watan Mayu na 2015 dole ne ya sauka daga mukamin gwamnan jihar, amma kuma su mazauna Fatakwal din ya zama tilas su so a gyara masu yadda hanyoyin samar masu ruwa zai karu.

Ya dai dace shi shugaban kasa ya daina irin wannan halayyar , ya kuma kwana da sanin irin wannan ba haka ya dace a rika ji daga waen shugaban kasa ba. Idan ba kaine ka ke yi ba , wasu ne ‘yan gaza gani , ai sai ka ja masu kunne, ko a samu cigaba da shi aikin samar da ruwan.

Ya shugaba na bari ba ka wata shawarar wadda ina ganin za ta taimaka har zuwa karshen rayuwar ka, kada ka dauki masu yi maka kusanci a kan harkokin kasa tamkar makiyan ka, wasu daga cikin su ba ka sani ba, har zuciyar su babu wata cutarwa, kamar yadda ni da kai muka kasance a gwamnati. Da akwai masu sha’awar ganin cigaban Nijeriya kamar yadda mu ma muke da ra’ayin haka. Ina da irin wadannan jama’ar tun lokacin dana bullo da tsarin ‘yan Nijeriya masu zama a kasashen waje, ya kamata ka fahimci wata gudunmawa da ake so a ba ka ta hakikani, da kuma wacce ake son kawai zolaye ka. Don Allah ya kai shugaba ka yi taka tsa-tsan da masu mataika maka , masu ba ka shawara, da kuma sauran ‘yan gaza gani, wadanda su so suke yi su hada ka da mutane.

Allah ya kare shugabanni daga sharrin masu zuga amin, saboda sun san abinda ka ke so, sun kuma san hanyar da za su samar maka shi. Saboda su masu kare bukatunsu ne. Kamar dai yadda ni da kai muka sani su masu bata al’amurra ne. Yanzu sun mallake ne domin su samu cimma burinsu, amma ina son ka gane babu wani burin da ya fi Nijeriya da al’ummar ta. Ina son ka gane cewar ka tuna ka fa riga ka yi tarihi, kada kuma ka bari ka yi wani abin da zai bata tarihin nan. Na taimaka ma kamar yadda na taimaka wa ‘Yar adua. Ni gare ni babu Arewa ko kudu, bare kuma rarrabuwar kai tsakanin Musulmi da Kirista, ni abinda na sani kasa daya Nijeriya.

Da akwai kuma magana guda kada ka bari ka iya amfani da sojoji don cimma wani buri naka, ko na siyasa ba tare da ka yi la’akari da abin da ka iya shafar sauran jama’a ba, bayan nan kai kuma da akwai abinda zai shafe ka zuwa gaba, saboda idan ka bata irin horon da aka sani da soja, ka sa suka rikide wani abu, kai ma ba zai yi ma dadi ba, watarana. Ina tuna maka amfanin sojoji da sauran dakarun tsaro shi ne kare kasa, ba ‘ayi amfani da su hanyar da bata dace ba. Ina kara tuna maka kada ka bata tarihin ka. Na san dai tun da kasanirin matsaloli masu wuya da Nijeriya ta shiga , a shekarun da suka wuce, na kuma san a matsayin ka na mai tuka jirgin da ke dauke da al’ummar Nijeriya ba za ka bari ya kife ba, domin idan ka bari har ya kai ga yin haka , watakila kaima abin ya rutsa da kai. Mai cewa ko da wani abu ya faru hakan ba zai sa wani abu ya same shi ba, wannan ba magana bace wadda ya kamata ts fito daga mai hankali ba. Ni ko da yaushe ina ta’allaka kai na manufa itace ina tare da’yan Nijeriya masu kishin kasa, wadanda kuma suke son cigaban wuraren da suke gabatar da ayyukansu. Na kuma dauke su da kima babba saboda su sun nuna sun san yadda rayuwa take. Fatar alheri da nake wa Nijeriya ya ta’allaka ne da irin wadannan mutane saboda na san ba za su ba ni kunya ba.

Ta bangare abubuwan da kan bata mani rai wasu lokutta ina samun bayanin abubuwan da ke faruwa ne, a gwamnatance kokuma ta masu zaman kan su, abokan cigaba, da kuma abokan kawancen mu wadanda suka hulda da Nijeriya. Saboda kuw da akwai lokacin da na kan fita zuwa kasashen waje, idan na dawo gida kuma sai na yi bincike saboda na gano ainihin gaskiyar lamarin. Na kan samu wasu da akwai kanshin gaskiya, amma wasu kuwa abin ko kare ma bai ci. Da akwai kasashen da ke koyi da abubuwan da suke faruwa a Nijeriya saboda su samu cigaba, to ashe ke nan idan har muka rika yin abubuwan da basu dace ba, za’a kai ga lokacin da zai zo a daina ganin mutuncin mu.

Da yake na riga na san ire iren abubuwan da suke faruwa a in da kake yanzu, wato maganar shugabanci shi yasa nake baka shawara wadda ta dace, kuma b azan gaj da yi haka ba , tsakani na da Allah, da haka kuma nake ganin ni nayi abin da ya dace wato ba gwamnatin ka shawara, da ita jam’iyyar PDP, da kuma kasar mu Nijeriya, ina rokon Allah ne da ya kare ka , ganin irin nauyin da ke gaban ka. Na san da masu ganin ni makiyin ka ne, ko gwamnatin ka,’yan kabilar ka , ko kuma masu baka shawara, su irin wadannan mutanen na dauke su masu wasan yara. Idan naga wani hadari na tafe ya same ka, zan nuna maka shi, ko kuma ina yi maganin shi kamar dai yadda na saba yi tun can baya. Amma kuma b azan goyi bayan abinda na san a gaba ba zai zame wa ‘yan Nijeriya alheri ba, ba tare da na yi la’akari da wanda ya sa a yi wannan abin ko ya ke dauke da shi.

Ya shugaban kasa yanzu ni bani tsoron in ki yarda da wani abu , ko in yarda da shi, amma abin zai kasance ne ko wane lokaci akan muhimmancin al’amarin ko kuma akasin haka. Ko kuma idan al’amarin siyasa ne abinda na san zai amfani kasa. Lokacin da na zauna gidan kurkuku a Yola na koyi darussa da dama a rayuwa ta, ba wani abin bakin cikin da ban gani ba, wani ma gara a ce mutuwa ta dauki mutum, wannan kuma saboda wani mai mulkin kama karya na soja da yake son ya cigaba da mulkin shi. Mutuwa ita ce karshen ko wane dan Adam , tana zuwa ne idan lokaci ya yi, wani cin mutunci da aka rika yi wa ‘yan uwana, abokaina, sai kuma wasu jami’an tsaro da suka gallaza ma wasu, ba don komai ba sai don saboda suna goyon bayan sabuwar PDP, ko masu goyon bayan gwamnonin da suka bar jam’iyyar PDP,ko kuma anaiko su ne su cima mutane mutunci a madadin ka, wannan duk nasan watarana sai labarai kamar yadda wasu yanzu dai sai dai ayi labarin. Wannan yin amfani ne da jami’an tsaro ta hanyar da bata dace ba, iri haka kuma an taba yin shi lokacin mulkin marigayi Abacha , an dai ta fadin karya da karairayi dangane da ni abubuwan da suka fito daga fadar shugaban kasa.

Maganganun da ake na cewa na taimaka maka wajen baka shawara ka amince da mai aikata laifin da ake jiran kama shi a London ko Amurka, domin su taiamaka ma shuganannin PDP da aka zabe su ta hanyar da ta dace, a sashem Kudu maso Yamma, wannan ba abinda ya dace bane kuma da akwai hadari tattare da furta haka din. Ba wanda acikin hankalin shi zai yadda da wannan labara, hakanan kuma ko a jihar Ogun ko kuma sashen kudu maso yammam, da zai yarda da wannan sakarcin ,wannan wata manuniya ce da ke nuna mutane na iya amfani da hanyoyi da dama dominsu samu cimma burin sun a siyasa kokuma akasin haka.

Abin tausayi! A shekaruna babu abin da zai iya kange ni daga duk wani a batu da nake ganin shi ne mafi alheri ga Nijeriya, Afrika da ma duniya baki daya. Na yi imanin cewa samar da hadin kai da tasiri a PDP ta kowace fuska shi ne mafi alheri ga Nijeriya. A kan haka, idan har ra’ayoyinmu sun yi tarayya, za mu kai ga tudun na-tsira tare.

Matakin da ku ka bi kai da mukarrabanka wajen nada mugun mutu wanda ake nema ruwa a jallo a kasar waje don fuskantar shari’a wanda kuma ya taimaka wajen yayata cin hanci a bangaren shari’a a matsayin shugaban PDP na shiyyar Kudu maso Yamma, ya kai matuka wajen ha’intar kasar nan a siyasance kuma tamkar cin fuska ce ga ‘ya’yan jam’iyyar PDP da kuma al’ummar yankin.

Ina ganin siyasata ta jibinci akida kuma ba zan lamunci wata hulda da mugum mutum a siyasance ba, ballatana a ce shi ne shugaban shiyyar da na fito. Wannan mataki ya ruguza abin da PDP ta yi imani da shi tun lokacin da aka kafata. Kin bin matakin da ya dace a kan Kashamu, mutumin da ake nema a Amurka bisa laifukan safarar miyagun kwayoyi da almundahanar kudade, ya kara tabbatar da rahotannin da ake yayata wa na hannun manyan ‘yan siyasa game da safarar miyagun kwayoyi.

Ta kawace fuska, hakan ba zai yi wa Nijeriya alfanu ba. Nan ba da jimawa, dillalan kwayoyin za su kwace ragamar harkokin tattalin arzikin kasa, a game da zabe kuma, za su iya sayen ‘yan takara, jam’iyya kuma daga karshe za su iya sayen madafun mulki ko kuma su dora kansu kan mulki.

Ubangiji bai taba goyon bayan miyagu ba kuma lallai zai ceto PDP da al’ummar Nijeriya daga hannun wadanda ke neman wargazata. Idan hakan bai samu ba sannan kuma aka kasa kwato jam’iyyar daga hannun wadannan miyagun, dole mutane masu mutunci su janye jikinsu daga jam’iyyar.

Zan yi amfani da wannan dama wajen yin kira ga ‘ya’yan jam’iyyar da suka hada da gwamnoni, ‘yan majalisa da sauransu wadanda ke ganin an kuntata masu da su ba da goyon bayan idan har Shugaba Jonathan ya bi matakan da suka dace na warware matsalolin da ke damun jam’iyyar domin kuwa shi ne wuka da dama kan batun. Na ji ana yayata wa cewa, gwamnonin da suka canja sheka duk ‘ya’yana ne.

Na fara mamaki, kama daga kasa zuwa sama, duk wani mai rike da wani mukami, zai kasance ko kai tsaye ko a fakaice ya fada wannan rukuni na ‘ya’yana. Duk wanda ke da tunanin akasin haka zai kasance kamar kogi ce wadda ta manta da asalinta. Amma a matsayina na uba nagari, abin da nake bukata shi ne, neman hanyar sulhu na sake hade kan iyalina don samun ci gaba ga kasa. A tsarin dimokradiyya, ana zabin shugabanni ne don su rage nauyin da ke kan jama’a, samar masu ‘yanci, zabin rayuwa, adalci da tabbatar masu da gwamnati tagari a maimakon a yaudara, danniya da kuma raunana su.

Duk abin da mutum ya shuka shi zai girba, ba na fatan ka kai ‘yan Nijeriya makura, hart a kais u ga yin addu’uar Allah ya sa daga Goodluck Jonathan ba za su sake zaben dan kabilar Ijaw ba har abada. Idan kunne ya ji dai to jiki ya tsira. Ba fatan hakan nake yi ba, amma dai biri ya yi kama da mutum.

Shawarata ta karshe, ya kamata ka koyi darasi a tarihin baya, kuma ka da ka yi tunanin ‘yan Nijeriya shashashai ne, ka daina karyata abin da ka san ka yi, ka daina rufa-rufa. Ka tsare gaskiya da dattako domin ka dawo wa kanka da martabarka daga zukatan ‘yan Nijeriya. Saboda sun fa zura maka ido suna kallon duk wani abin da ake dangantawa da kai, a yanzu babu sauran mai gaskata zantukanka. Na san kana da ikon da za ka iya ceto PDP. Ka yi amfani da damarka da mulkinka domin inganta kasa da jama’arta. Don Allah ka fara nuna wasu halaye na mai kishin kasa gaba dayanta. Zan yi kira da a rika girmama ofishin shugaban kasa, domin, mulkin na nan, sai dai mai ,mulkin ya tafi ya bar gadon mulkin.

Haka kuma, kana dai sane da yadda masu zuba jari ke ta barin Nijeriya.

Daga karshe kuma, shirin da ka bullo ds shi taron daddale kasa, yanzu ya zama abin firgici ga ‘yan Nijeriya, yana assasa rashin hadin kai, rudani, wanda idan ana so ya yi tasiri, tilas sai an sa ido domin cin moriyarsa sosai kada a bari ya haifar da rudani. Idan aka bi da shi ta hanyar da ta dace, zai zama alfanu kuma zai ti tasiri ba tare da cusa wata boyayyar manufa ba.

Shugaban kasa, ina yi maka fatan alheri.

Jaridar RARIYA ce ta fassara wasikar daga harshen Turanci zuwa Hausa.

Thursday, December 5, 2013

Abuja: A city with many fakes

When the military in the 1970s created Abuja, they wanted a city that will represent the new Nigeria, which they hoped to nurture; a city devoid of the congestion of Lagos, the then capital of Nigeria; a city with good roads network, good and well planned housing schemes and settlements; a city that will be the seat of the Federal Government, while others remain the seat of other governments; a secured and protected and fortified city. Abuja was to be the paradise.

In order for Abuja to manifest, the Land Use Decree was promulgated, the civil service structure was adjusted, the Federal Government did all to see that Abuja came to stay, and they achieved it. Today Abuja is standing tall as a glorious manifestation of the good dreams of a few good Nigerians for Nigeria.

If the military could do it at that time, why can’t civilians build us more cities like Abuja? Why can’t we build such cities in every geo-political zone of Nigeria? If not, why not for the centenary celebrations memorabilia? One wonders when you hear comments like Nigeria cannot afford to build an ultra-modern seaport in the South East; that the South East cannot get an international airport, be it for cargo or passenger; that the national rail line cannot reach all state capitals of Nigeria; that we cannot build fertilizer plants, factories and refineries; that we are finding it difficult to manufacture cars and vehicles, and now we cannot fund the payment to lecturers for the education of our future generation, and we now prefer to throw sands in the air than till the land. I ask, where did we miss it all ? Is it that we now have leaders who lack the will, or we have become a people who take whatever is shoved down our throat?

In Nigeria, where money follows the seat of power, Abuja is the place to be. All the roads are smooth, with traffic lights, with all sorts of exotic cars to grace the roads, and as a result, most leaders in Abuja now think that the only way to help Nigerians create jobs is to punish them for desiring imported cars. In a short while, import tariffs on vehicles will be increased, in the name of encouraging local manufacturing of vehicles. Nigerians do not know how many vehicles these people will produce in a specified period, and there is no phased tariff increment to match an expected or agreed production targets. Importation of cars will be reduced or discouraged, Customs will be richer, businesses will die. Many of them will be pushed into buses and Keke Napep, yet buses are not allowed in Abuja while Keke is allowed because Southerners don’t ride Keke in Abuja, they owned most of the buses. The importers that would be hit most will be the struggling ones, mostly Ndigbo, no thanks to the fake life in Abuja. A life that is far from the reality under which most Nigerians live.

In Abuja, there is fairly regular power supply, so much so that some hotels rely on PHCN power to sell their rooms, yet there are no hotels with humble rates in Abuja. While N7,500 will get you a decent accommodation in a hotel across the nation, you won’t find such easily in Abuja. They charge high rates with poor services because “this is Abuja”.

The work force and small business people in Abuja come from villages or small towns around, like Nyanya, Lugbe, Kuje, Kubwa, Maraba and new Nyanya in Nasarawa State, while others come from even smaller settlements like Durumi, Kabusa, Mabushi, Garki Village and Mpape, to name a few. The link roads to these areas are perpetually under traffic grid lock during the day. The city therefore has developed gardens that are well and beautifully lit in the nights.They mostly sell drinks of all sorts, and just small chops. These are where the work force go to hang out while waiting for the traffic jam to their villages to thin out. These spots have become nesting grounds for immorality. Married persons walk in boldly with younger persons of opposite sex and their body language is simple: “This is Abuja”.

-In Abuja, everybody is important because they know somebody who is important. It is either they are connected with top civil servants who these days are very rich people, or to some legislator who do not look at the price tags to buy whatever they fancy, or to the Presidency, or to one chief of Police, Customs, military or the other. On their phones they talk of billions of naira; the students are the poor ones who chase millions. Try taking them on by asking to visit their homes, their big Oga immediately calls and orders them to get ready to fly to Dubai, London or Lagos, depending on what time of the day. They are all mostly fake people.

Abuja indeed has a way of making those who live there feel that they own Nigeria, and that the beat must go on, with the “no wahala mentality”. This is perhaps what causes them to come up with policies which do not impact the lives of the ordinary Nigerian positively. They wake up and find light so they think there is light in Nigeria. They write a note or make a phone call, and a relation is absorbed into the civil service, so they think there is no unemployment. They get onto the road, it is smooth, they think Nigeria has good roads; they find cheap taxis and assume Nigeria does not need buses; their students carry super handsets and Ipads, so they think what the farmer needs is mobile phones. Abuja is not Nigeria, if anything it is a representation of the fake life of the true Nigerian. Most Nigerian state capitals still have bad roads, power failures, lack of jobs, poverty, lack of money, and security as big issues.